Mr. Enders,
Mr. Kiep,
Ms. Lindemann,
Senator Hagel, dear Chuck,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a great honor for me to accept this award today. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Atlantik-Brücke, and will use this as an incentive to continue my efforts to develop transatlantic relationships even further.
It is a great pleasure for me to be here in this important place at an exciting time. A few days ago an event was held in Bremerhaven in Germany commemorating the fact that it is now 400 years since the first Germans emigrated to America; some eight million Germans have done so over the centuries. We are proud – if as German Federal Chancellor I may say this – that today around 17% of the American population has German roots. It is of course particularly gratifying that my tribute speaker is just such a person.
Of course, I also remember with pleasure that a little over two years ago I was able to hand over the Waldseemüller map, a highly symbolic offshoot of German-American relations. We are very proud that it was a German who first immortalized the name of America on a map.
Coming here and accepting this award is, naturally, a great personal honor, in particular in view of the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany turned 60 on May 23 of this year – the birthday of our Constitution. In 1949 the Parliamentary Council, supported by the Allies, gave Germany the opportunity to return to the fold of the family of nations and to develop into a partner.
When in May we spoke of 60 years of the Federal Republic of Germany, we had of course to remember that while this was a 60-year success story for one part of Germany, it was not for another part of what is today's reunified Germany. I myself spent 35 years in this other part. My life's plan then was that on the day I was due to retire – which was at the age of 60 for women in the GDR – I would travel to the Federal Republic, and once there swap my GDR identity card for a proper German passport and then immediately set off on a journey to America. However, fate has been kind to me and to my generation and we have achieved this privilege rather more quickly. Nonetheless it always remains a joy to be in Washington and elsewhere in the United States.
On November 9 this year we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. On that day – which is something many people in Germany are hardly even aware of – we will have spent almost one third of the Federal Republic of Germany's history together, as a reunified Germany.
Of course this raises the question of how those partnerships develop that have made us, the Federal Republic of Germany, strong but which, I believe, are also important for our partners? In other words, how are transatlantic relations to develop in future?
I would naturally like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Chuck Hagel, of whom it could be said that he personifies the partnership. The most valuable commodity in the 21st century is time – a phenomenon which began to manifest itself in the 20th century. Who nowadays will take the time to cultivate such partnerships? Who will make the effort to keep traveling to countries far outside their own sphere of political activity? Who has the requisite curiosity, who will find out to whom you should talk and where one can get the most up-to-date information? You, dear Chuck Hagel, have made it clear – not least through the number of occasions on which we have met – that you have always been interested in Germany. You could not have known then that I was to become Federal Chancellor, yet you made the effort to speak to me even as the General Secretary of the CDU. That shows real interest, for which I offer you my heartfelt thanks! I would also like to wish you all the best, as Chairman of the Atlantic Council of the United States and in your many other roles!
I know that the interplay between the United States, Europe and, in particular, Germany must be revamped in the 21st century. The world has changed, and is continuing to do so, and for that reason it is essential that we continually renew our partnership. You have pointed out that in the brief period in which the new American president, Barack Obama, has been in office, we have already had many opportunities to interact. Tomorrow will be another such opportunity. We have celebrated 60 years of NATO, we have held an EU-USA summit and we have worked together in the G20. We are to meet again in a few weeks at the G8 summit in Italy, and will discuss climate change at the Meeting of the Major Economies Forum. There will be further meetings in the fall, including a G20 meeting in Pittsburgh.
I believe 2009 will be a decisive year for the question of how the world is to live together in the future. We face numerous challenges, and I would like to repeat what Chuck Hagel has just said: today, no country alone can solve any of the great challenges. This is why it is so important that we cultivate partnerships and also try to understand what is so special about our transatlantic partnership.
For me, the special feature of this transatlantic partnership is our sharing of the same funda¬mental values, meaning we do not have to endlessly debate our interpretation of human rights and respect for the dignity of the person. Our common ground is the sharing of these funda¬mental values – something that goes for every partnership between German Federal Chancellors and American Presidents, and likewise for partnerships all the way down to the level of members of parliament and local politicians in the states of the Union and the German Länder. The dignity of every individual human being is our benchmark.
We know however that these fundamental values by themselves are insufficient to generate successes and co-operation in the real world. It is apparent that we, as Europeans, have grown closer together in the 21st century than was the case in the days when the Federal Republic of Germany was born. Sometimes we are perceived as complicated, and it is interesting to look at the political nuances expressed by individual European heads of state and government when they are speaking on the same issue. However, I would say to you; we understand that in a world of 6.5 billion people, Europeans must learn that they have to speak with a single voice on critical issues. In this way we can bring to bear our 500 million people and our eco¬nomic weight, and so be a good and reliable partner to the United States of America. In a transatlantic partnership, we can cause many people in the world to be inspired by and with one another.
Our task is to deepen the European Union. We have already been working for several years on a new and acceptable treaty that will improve the functioning of the Union with 27 member states, and there is a good chance that the often-asked question "Who should I call to learn about European foreign policy?" may in future be better answered. There will be a President of the Council of the European Union, in other words the heads of state and government, who will always be available, meaning that the rotating presidencies are no longer the sole point of contact. That's not to say I would try and put you off traveling to Germany, and ask you to only visit Brussels instead. But if you have dealings with the European Union, you do have a chance of greater transparency.
We need to do this because we want to take shared responsibility, not least with a view to today's emerging powers – China, India and Brazil among others. The group of G8 nations will no longer be able to solve most of the world's problems alone. Hence, a very interesting process will unfold over the next year or two. What will a transformed, changed group actually look like and what role will the parties to the transatlantic partnership play in it? I believe the G20 format is a very interesting one, one into which both the G8 and the G5 – in other words the emerging economies – can in future merge. However I believe the United States of America and Europe should take the lead in convincing others of this approach.
With the new American administration of course we perhaps have the opportunity to generate new momentum towards solving many of the conflicts that were also of concern to past administrations – I often discussed these with George Bush. I have observed with interest and great pleasure the ways in which President Barack Obama has opened doors in various areas to make the most of new opportunities and find new solutions to problems – whether it be the Middle East conflict, policy on Iran, or Afghanistan, along with many, many other examples such as the climate question and economic issues.
I can assure you that we, as Europeans, and I, as German Federal Chancellor, have a funda¬mental interest in the success of this approach and in making progress. Because the question also arises of whether our values and convictions remain valid in this increasingly populated 21st century world, and whether different ways of governing, that do not always fit in with our concept of human dignity, may perhaps be more successful. The latter is not my preference; nor must it ever be the idea of a transatlantic partnership. We are proud of the way in which we live. We do not wish to impose it on others, but to persuade them by example.
Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to speak in more concrete terms today on three points: security policy, international financial policy and environmental and climate policy.
With regard to security policy, there is a need to dovetail Atlantic and European structures. European Security and Defence Policy must be integrated with NATO policy, and NATO actions must be compatible with what is being done by European security and defense policy. This approach has been rather successful in many places in recent years, but there remain some gaps to close and bridges to build. I need only think of how local conflicts, for example between Turkey and Cyprus, interfere with smooth co-operation between NATO and the European Security and Defence Policy to conclude that our task is to work on precisely that, to prevent it proving an obstacle to every single mission.
I can see that we face huge challenges when I think above all of North Korea's nuclear program or that of Iran, when I consider the Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan, the fight against piracy on the Horn of Africa, disintegrating states such as Somalia, the people in Darfur or dictatorships that are apparently beyond being reasoned with, such as in Myanmar. The world is full of problems that need to be grappled with.
If we recall the current situation in Iran, I believe all of us – whether in the United States of America, in Europe or in Germany – are shocked to see how Iran is dealing with peaceful demonstrators. It is perfectly clear to us that we should stand up for peaceful demonstrations, that we want freedom of the press and that the will of the people there needs to be respected and the verification of the election results facilitated. For this once again touches upon our core values. Human rights and civil liberties are indivisible, and universally applicable. The principle is not that "The dignity of some humans is inviolable" but that "Human dignity is inviolable". We will therefore stand by those who are fighting for their rights.
We must unite to do all we can to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, and I wel¬come the willingness to engage in direct talks with Iran. We will stand by the United States of America, either to facilitate the success of these talks or to make it clear, through sanctions, that we are serious about achieving our goal. This is because we know the threats uttered by the Iranian president, and for the Federal Republic of Germany Israel's right to exist is a supreme principle of state.
Ladies and Gentlemen, we all have a fundamental interest in the progress of the peace process between Israel and Palestine. We have seen many setbacks and many disappointments. Great efforts have been made in past years, whether by President Clinton or President Bush. But we have not made as much headway as we would have wished. It is therefore important that we continue resolutely to pursue our aim of a two-state solution – the Jewish State of Israel and a Palestinian state – and that we do everything possible together to ensure the success of this approach.
When one considers how long we have been attempting some things, one may become impatient or even ask, "Will we ever succeed at all?" But there's something I want to reiterate here: we know how long we had to wait for the Cold War to end. For many, many years, a German radio station never tired to announce the quasi-imminent collapse of the GDR. And when most people had stopped believing such a thing would ever happen, it did indeed come to pass. That is why it would be quite wrong to allow oneself to be dissuaded from one's goals – even if achieving them takes a long, long time.
In Afghanistan, too, we are faced with common challenges. Over the years – and here, too, we have achieved yet another important step forward with the new administration – we have realized and agreed that we require a comprehensive security concept that enables civil and military engagement to complement each other. However, on behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany, I would like to state that this will not work without the military component. Germany is willing to make its contribution, and does indeed make it.
The stability of Pakistan is a major concern for all of us at the moment, and we must address this thoroughly. The European Union recently initiated a dialogue between the EU and Pakistan. However, discussions with Pakistan's representatives left open a multitude of questions on how we can guarantee the stability of this country. So here, too, we are ready to work together with our partners in America to seek the right solutions.
I do not wish here to mention every single conflict. I simply want to make it clear that our common ground with regard to security and foreign policy over many decades has been – and will remain – the cornerstone of our co-operation.
At this point, I would also like to say that disarmament issues, especially relating to Russia, will grow in importance in the coming months. Russia can be a partner – and from a European perspective it is even in our interests that Russia be a partner – but we also expect Russia to subscribe more fully to our idea of human rights and democracy than is currently the case.
This year and last year, the world has faced an unusual situation. My speech therefore has a second focus, that of the international economic and financial crisis. Let me say at the start: this sort of crisis must not be allowed to repeat itself. It is shaking the successful economic development of the world – from the most economically powerful regions such as the United States of America and the European Union through to emerging markets and even the poorest countries in the world, such as those in Africa. If this global economic crisis is not overcome sensibly, it could result in a multitude of political tensions and conflicts that will only complicate our work further.
I think it is undeniable to say that this crisis arose through market excesses. It is thus also undeniable that we need new rules for the financial markets in particular. The social market economy – which has made Germany extremely successful – was essentially the result of the lessons learned from the global economic crisis of the late 1920s and early 1930s. At the time, those who built the social market model agreed that there are situations in which the self-healing force of the markets is no longer sufficient and the state has the task of restoring them.
In the case of banks it has just recently become abundantly clear what it is like when we have to first nationalize institutions in order to again release them onto the market. However, to prevent this situation and ensure it remains an exception we must above all see to it that markets are regulated. These regulations must not smother market forces, but must make possible competition and transparency. The extent to which our way of life is respected – or else questioned – around the world will depend greatly upon the answers we find to the questions as to how the crisis, which arose first and foremost in the markets of important industrial nations, can be overcome by our countries and what lessons we can learn from that crisis.
I am firmly convinced that our meeting in London was a great success and that we are now making progress on the implementation of our decisions – whether with regard to the American financial market regulation or to the decisions taken by us in Europe. I am not yet one hundred percent certain that all of the banks have understood the type of impact they have created, and whether the phrase "too big to fail" might not make certain financial institutions somewhat arrogant in their interaction with states. Let me say this: states must make it clear to their citizens that the economy is there for the people, and not vice versa.
We therefore need increased efforts. We are on the right path but we have not achieved everything and above all we require multilateral institutions which take more responsibility in our globalized world. Whether this should be the Financial Stability Board or the IMF will be discussed in our talks in the near future. But we are on the right path here. I have lobbied for the cause and am very glad that the American government has also taken up the idea, for the summit in Pittsburgh, to work on a charter on sustainable economic activity in the world in order to highlight our principles – principles which do not focus only on maximizing daily profit whilst ignoring long-term effects, but which introduce within our economies the notion of sustainability and make that sustainability part and parcel of our thinking, be it with regard to economic activity in the narrower sense or to our dealing with resources.
This brings me to my third point: this year, we will have to face up to the question of whether the world is in a position to agree on further steps to combat climate change following the Kyoto Protocol. Tomorrow, here in the House of Representatives, there will be an interesting vote on a legislative proposal that I believe is very far-reaching. Who would have thought it two or three years ago? So some things are changing after all. I still remember talking to Republican and Democratic senators and how Senator Lieberman happily announced that 98 of his colleagues had voted against the Kyoto Protocol. When I asked where the other two members had been, I was told they just didn't show up. At the time, this was extremely disappointing for me as a German Environment Minister who had done a lot for the Kyoto Protocol.
Today I would say that our positions on climate change have never been so close. We could still move closer, but we really are on the right path. Since there is only a senator in this room but no member of the House of Representatives I have a request for the Senate: please follow graciously the actions of your colleagues in the House of Representatives, since in our opinion these are very important steps both in terms of the goals and the instruments used to achieve them.
Perhaps the most far-reaching step is the decision to accept certificate trading as we in Europe have already done. I am aware of all the difficulties – Germany is one of the world's major industrialized nations, with lignite- and coal-fired power plants and a chemical industry – and I really know my way around CO2 emissions trading. However, I believe that, at the end of the day, it is a good, market-based tool for bringing matters together under fair and equal competition conditions.
I believe that we must put every effort into ensuring the success of the Copenhagen Climate Change Summit. It is not only a matter of reduction targets and emissions principles. Many, many people – whether affected by desertification in Africa or by the shortage of drinking water in other places – will look to us to see whether we can jointly and globally promote the philosophy of sustainability. Therefore I will make every effort – and I trust that our partners in the United States of America will do the same – to ensure that we really make progress.
To those who still do not fully believe in climate change, I would like to say simply this: in a world where even emerging markets are generating increasing growth, achieving greater independence from finite resources – whether these be coal, crude oil, or natural gas – will become a tremendous necessity for achieving political independence and avoiding dependence on the wrong sources. I therefore believe that even if one has doubts as to whether all the scientists on the IPCC are right – and I do believe they are right – it is still a good thing to achieve prosperity with few resources and to embrace the corresponding challenges as well as the possibilities offered by technology. In Germany, we have gleaned amazing knowledge on how much energy can be saved whilst still keeping our homes warm. And one can also save energy if the need is rather to keep one's home cool. With regard to cars, there is much that can be done – and there, too, things are moving.
We are offering our co-operation. And so another important message is that, with regard to the Transatlantic Economic Council, the transatlantic co-operation on economic issues initiated under President Bush will also be continued by the new administration together with the European Union. I have high hopes here. A lot of money is being spent today on differing test procedures – from cars to bio fuels – instead of developing common norms and standards and reinvesting the money thus saved to enable joint research.
And so I want for all of us really good co-operation in all of the fields I mentioned. I say this on behalf of the German Government and people: we want this co-operation in every area. And we recognize the importance to ourselves of having an ally like the United States of America. We are well aware that, following the end of the division of Germany, following the acceptance of the reunification of our country and our happiness at being reunited, we also have more responsibilities. Because rights come with responsibilities. We have made a good start and we know that we must stay on course.
I would therefore like to thank all those who believe in our transatlantic partnership and to give my special thanks to the Atlantik-Brücke – and thank you so much, Chuck Hagel!
Thank you and all the best!
